Sania Khan had an innate passion for photography. She was a warm person with infectiously positive energy who spread joy in the world, as said by one of her dear friends. She double majored in women studies and psychology and advocated for the rights of women.
Unfortunately, according to the evidence, her life was taken from her by her ex-husband Raheel Ahmed. In a distressing turn of events, he not only murdered her but then also killed himself, leaving behind a suicide note. As these violent crimes are brought into light, one asks themselves if only they had seen the signs, could they have prevented this tragedy from occurring?
And the answer is yes. The troubling signs were present long before the deed was performed.
In the period of six months, Sania concluded that the man she married was not who he initially seemed to be as he abused her on a regular basis. From lying about his age to showing signs of obsession, Sania faced it all. Instead of tolerating his belligerent behavior, she filed for divorce. Despite knowing the backlash she would face from family and friends, she prioritized herself. For the simple decision of choosing happiness, she was robbed of her radiant future.
Sania had gained a mass following on social media due to her post-divorce struggles. She felt alone and unsupported by her family as they abandoned her after her decision to legally separate from her husband. Even in the 21st century, divorce is taboo for many desi families who advocate for marriage problems to get fixed by themselves — they find staying in an abusive marriage to be more sustainable and convenient than the shame that comes with being branded as a ‘divorcee’.
Her family should have been there for her. They should have held her hand and supported her through her emotional turmoil. They shouldn’t have cast her aside for societal expectations. They shouldn’t have pressured her to stay in a failing marriage. Conversations about sexism, patriarchy and shame have sparked up on social media in the aftermath of Sania’s murder. The intolerant attitude of South Asian families towards divorced women only is troublesome and rewards toxic masculinity.
Sania Khan talked openly about the struggles of dealing with divorce as a brown woman. As posted on her TikTok account, “The way the community labels you, the lack of emotional support you receive, and the pressure to stay with someone because what will people say? It is isolating. It makes it harder for women to leave marriages that they shouldn’t have been in to begin with.”
Unlike Sania, many women who face abusive behavior at the hands of their spouses opt to stay with them. Many of these women are unaware of their rights and continue to sustain their current conditions, fearing tarnishing their honor and bringing shame to their families. This preservation of the family structure at any cost is a defining factor for the high rate of domestic violence in Pakistan.
Pakistan has continuously been rated as the lowest country in the Gender Gap Index in the South Asian region. Gender inequality plays an extreme role in undocumented violence against women behind shut doors. One must question the ‘happy husband and wife’ narrative and whether it is based on more sinister grounds. The tragic tales of women like Sania Khan and many more serve as a reminder of the fact that women themselves ultimately face the consequences of their abusers’ sins.
Furthermore, the recently overthrown government in Pakistan had no specific measures in place to protect women against patriarchal violence. This is troubling given the influence of charismatic leaders such as Imran Khan who, during his term as prime minister, infamously stated that men are not “robots”. This was not too long after he blamed “fahashi” (vulgarity) for the rise in cases of sexual violence across Pakistan; both cases arguably imply victim-blaming. Similar sentiments regarding the oppression of women are not only supported, but also strengthened after such incidents, as men take these statements as permission to further oppress women. When an authoritative figure condemns violence, nonviolence has the potential to become a widely accepted notion in society.
When will unrealistic societal expectations for women cease? When will the worth of a woman finally be realized and her value understood by society? We must ask ourselves these vital questions to bring justice for the condemned and to save countless others from the same fate.
Although Sania’s life was taken overseas, that does not mean Pakistani culture and society are not to blame. Ahmed could not and would not see her thriving, so he made sure to silence her voice once and for all as well as his own. He escaped justice; however, it is up to us to remember Sania for everything she stood for and be kinder to others and ourselves. For anyone struggling in their personal life, I would like to offer them these solemn words by Sania Khan to let them know they are not alone:
‘You are not a failure because your marriage didn’t work out. Be gentle with your heart during this stage. Time heals all things and it will get better.’
Abdul Qadir Patel became Pakistan’s youngest member of the Sindh provincial assembly – aged 25 – in 1993. Covering almost two decades of political façade in the country since then, the number of persons under 30 in either the National Assembly or the Provincial Assemblies binds closer to zero.
Benazir Bhutto became the youngest elected Prime Minister of a Muslim state – aged 35 – in 1988. Continuing the legacy, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari became the youngest foreign minister of Pakistan – aged 33 – in the year 2022. While critics grew firm in the opposition to Pakistan’s foreign affairs predicament, having placed little trust in Bhutto’s command over foreign affairs, the benefits of having a younger foreign minister seemed lackluster to the general population.
In a world where countries seem to thrive on young leaders, including Finland under Marin’s leadership, Chile under Boric, and Georgia under Garibashvili, Pakistan has been ill-fated even to have the presence of youth in their assemblies. Imran Khan turned 66 when he presided over his office in 2018; Nawaz Sharif assumed his prime ministerial office, turning 64, whereas Yousaf Raza Gillani took office at the prime age of 56. These are nothing but only the plain records of Pakistan’s democratically elected leaders post-Musharraf.
A critical look into the absence of Pakistan’s youth from legislative assemblies and politics also asks us to consider the youth wings of political parties. In fact, a deeper dive into the mechanics of such existing youth wings ironically highlights these absences. PTI’s youth wing leader in Punjab before the 2018 general elections was Zubair Khan Niazi, who not only did not qualify for youth but also fared through Khan’s bloodline. PMLN’s youth wing performed no different with its current President being Captain (R) Safdar – currently aged 58 and the legal spouse of Maryam Nawaz Khan. The only upside that Pakistan People’s Party hopes to appoint is Asifa Bhutto as the Youth Wing leader of PPP. However, the irony is visible to the naked eye.
Various op-eds have mentioned the need for Pakistan’s youth to vote in the upcoming general election of 2023 – or sooner. The populace of youth between 15 and 30 stands at around 64%. The issues that the nation faces today – in terms of global competition, social security, etc. – fall directly under the youth of Pakistan. A potential voter aged twenty-four could possibly turn into a definitive voter if they were voting for an individual within the same age gap rather than for a Babuji.
While one may present ideas as Khan does, such as pleading the youth to vote and save Pakistan from the irony of heinous invaders unlike himself – a better way to make the youth vote is to ‘make the youth vote for the youth.’ Only if the youth was provided party tickets to PTI than be pleaded to by the former Prime Minister to join their task force in persuading individuals to walk out of their homes and vote for the 2023 general elections.
Sociology consistently points towards the idea that for a person to understand another’s problems, they need to relate to the individual in question. Hence, there seems no way possible other than the way of making the youth vote for the youth in the upcoming elections. While the process may not fare entirely well, even gathering 70% of the 64% population of Pakistan to vote in the national elections of 2023 compared to the 30% who voted in 2018 would be a win for a country whose leaders repeatedly claim for democracy.
Franklin D. Roosevelt famously said, “We may not be able to build the future for our youth, but we may be able to build the youth for the future.” In a country where dynasty politics runs rampant, and the future leadership of PTI is destined to go haywire, it is necessary for the youth to be mobilized into politics and provided party tickets. It may not be time to say goodbye to the old notaries for now, but it will be soon.
The highest law of our land reads ‘The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan’. In Pakistan, the caretakers of Islam are often called mullahs or maulvis, and they wield immense power. This is not because they are politically or socially well-known, but because they are the flag-bearers of Islam, something they use as a pin in the board for every political, social, or economic move they make.
The founder of Pakistan, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, claimed, “there is no power that can undo Pakistan.” However, in recent times, one is compelled to wonder that while the founder’s words may hold true when it comes to external attempts of undoing, the same surely cannot be assumed in terms of internal undoing.
The pages of Pakistani history are painted red with the atrocities that its citizens have faced solely because of the power that these self-proclaimed Islamic caretakers hold. From religious cadres sealing off the country’s roads in protest of a woman being legally acquitted of blasphemy to wreaking havoc on the Aurat Marches across Pakistan, these religious fanatics have done everything but take care of the religion that preaches humanity before anything else.
After pondering on the subject, several questions come to mind. Do these people deserve to be called the caretakers of Islam? Are they worthy of being regarded with the reverence this community bestows upon them? Perhaps one can argue that every man who wears a cleric’s cap and grows a beard is not a maulvi, and that the people who engage in such cruelties do so of their own independent will, not because their religion commands it. This was seen following the ruckus caused by TLP earlier this year when members of the party openly dissociated themselves from the protestors clamoring on the streets and claimed that they were members of another party, charged with the task of discrediting TLP. It is easy to wash the blame off your hands in this country, especially when you know the state will never hold you accountable and will always end up caving in to your demands. This is what our incumbent government did by releasing the arrested TLP leader, Saad Rizvi.
Since the beginning of Prime Minister Imran Khan’s term, it has been clear that he secured premiership through the support of the entire country. It was expected of him to not socially exclude any faction if he intends to stay in power. Like his predecessors, Khan knows his politics; when he is to remain silent and when to take action. Recently, however, he has quite openly voiced his opinions on rape which mirror those of the country’s misguided mullahs. Time after time, he has suggested that women are raped because their “immodest” dressing entices men. One is then compelled to believe that perhaps he has the same mentality as those he remains silent for.
Not long ago, one of the Islamic caretakers openly admitted and justified the act of raping a child in a seminary. The video was preceded by another, filmed by one of the students at the seminary which shows the maulvi raping the child. The video rankled many to their cores and offered a terrifying glimpse into what happens behind the pristine, Arabic-engraved walls of seminaries. While the perpetrator has been arrested, the problem is far from solved.
Now that the extent of influence exercised by mullahs is out in the open, is Khan going to address the mounting issue? Is the government going to go back on vitalizing the status of mullahs through the implementation of the Single National Curriculum? Is it reasonable to expect such a U-turn, a concept this government is very familiar with, on the only educational policy this party has produced in its 3 years of power? For how long will these mullahs be allowed to torture, ridicule, and rape children before parents truly become aware of the trauma they inflict on minors within these madrasahs? Perhaps, it is safer to teach the Quran to your child yourself than have a potential predator lurking in your house.
What the common folk needs to consider is that the “caretakers” of Islam enjoy these sin-with-impunity rights because of us. They are made by us. We seek spiritual and religious guidance from them, often forgetting that they themselves are misguided. We put them on a pedestal, revere them as guardians of Islam because of their self-proclaimed proximity to the Holy Book, and blindly trust them with the life and well-being of our children. While Khan may be reluctant to pick a bone with these maulvis in an attempt to secure as many votes as possible for the 2023 elections, we, as a society, need to take more responsibility for the plight of our children under the care of mullahs. At the same time, the PTI government needs to reevaluate its priorities. They need to be aware of the potential consequences of remaining indifferent about a confession that has plunged our society into uncertainty and insecurity.
Whether the Prime Minister cares more about his people or his seat, only time will tell. However, it is about time we learn that while not all maulvis are morally and socially corrupt, it is better to give caution to the wind than have #NotAllMaulvis trend on Twitter.
By now, everyone is aware of what Imran Khan’s comments were regarding rape.
Just to reiterate, he stated that “Ye jo parday ka concept hai, ye kya hai? Temptation na ho mushray mei… har kisi k andar takat nai hoti, willpower nai hota…”. He went on to blame fahashi (vulgarity) for the rise in crimes against women and children.
His comments resulted in a controversy stirring worldwide. The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan stated that it was appalled by Khan’s comments, citing it as unacceptable behaviour by such a prominent public figure. His remarks also sparked a debate on social media with people going against him, while some supported him.
Now, why is this a problem?
One point of view that caught my eye the most was the fact that rape is not a crime of temptation, it is rather more of a tool through which power and control is imposed. One can understand that by seeing how it is even used as a weapon to dehumanise civilian populations during wartime. A historical example of this close to home is the mass genocidal rape of Bangladeshi women by Pakistani military personnel as a way to cripple and subjugate the enemy during its quest for independence.
Khan’s comments also indicated that women are responsible for their own security, as if practising purdah will make them completely immune to rape. This reminds me of the Lahore CCPO’s comments regarding the motorway rape case, where he stated that the woman should not have left the house so late at night and should have checked her fuel beforehand. It seems that victim blaming is something these men have in common, never realising the extremely harmful effects such attitudes have on both victims of sexual crimes and society in general.
Khan’s statements reinforce the idea of women asking for it, and this is highly dangerous. It could serve as a nod towards rapists and harassers to go along and invade the bodies of people who are not dressed modestly enough.
If fahashi really was to blame, here are some cases worth thinking about: the Marwah case (a 5-year-old girl that was raped and set on fire), the Zainab case (6-year-old girl raped and murdered), Kasur child sexual abuse scandal (organized crime ring selling child pornography of young children to porn sites), Kainat Soomro case (13-year-old girl gang raped by four men for four days), Muzammil Bibi (20 – raped, killed and hanged from a tree in Layyah), molvis raping kids in madrassas, and the list goes on. Now, the question arises – where was the fahashi or vulgarity when small children were walking home, playing on streets, or when women were driving cars or working in fields? Other crimes against women and children, like acid throwing, bacha bazi, domestic violence, honour killing and whatnot also incite the same question.
Pakistan ranks among the worst countries for women, with just about 3 or 4 countries ranked lower than us. It is safe to say that this, too, is not because of the way women (or young girls) dress. It seems as if men in the position of power will continue to make such remarks, thereby avoiding any sort of accountability or acknowledging how the country’s state is becoming increasingly worse day by day. They will continue to preach religion where they find suitable, and forget about it where they wish. Completely disregarding administrative inadequacies, failing the country in general, and putting the blame on people for those failures are all unfortunately familiar patterns in a country whose leadership runs on the empty vestiges of grand long-ago promises.
This cycle of victim blaming and benefitting from the patriarchy is extremely perturbing and alarming. With influential people like the PM and Rohail Hyatt speaking in favour of victim blaming, viral Twitter trends like #Stand_with_PM_hayamovement, and molvis such as Tariq Jameel blaming women for the coronavirus, it seems that the women of Pakistan will continue to be made scapegoats for problems that they should instead be protected f
An ever-growing sadistically, heinous crime, happening to people all around the world regardless of age, gender, and species. In Pakistan alone, over ten thousand cases were reported from January 2014 to June 2017. In 2019, 3881 cases were reported in the province of Punjab, which was a five hundred increase from the year before. Considering a country such as Pakistan, where topics of sex education are termed taboo, or where a woman is severely ostracized by society for coming out with such a claim, one can only imagine how many more cases cease to see the light of day.
During the early hours of September 11, 2020, a woman with her two children present, was brutally gangraped on the Lahore-Sialkot motorway after being dragged out of her car. The case garnered national attention, and a variety of reactions were observed; some sympathized with the victim, while some blamed her. Matters became worse when the Lahore Capital City Police Officer (CCPO), Umar Sheikh, made deplorable comments about the incident. According to him, the victim should have taken an alternative route, checked the fuel in her car and should not have traveled without her husband’s permission. Protests erupted soon after, with thousands of people taking to the streets, demanding justice, and the removal of the CCPO. Facing severe backlash, Sheikh later offered a lackluster apology and was not removed from his post.
The case remains unsolved, with the police yet again failing to capture the victims. It seems as if lately, such incidents are on the rise, or are being reported more often. Prayer leader Jamshed Iqbal attempted to rape a 9-year-old girl while she had gone to take Quran lessons from him in Jhelum. In Lahore, a woman was lured to a certain place with the promise of a job, instead, two men forcefully took her to a hotel where they then gang-raped her. A woman was raped at gunpoint by five men in front of her husband while the couple was returning to their home in Ferozewala, Sheikhupura district. Another woman, waiting on the roadside for transport as her bus had broken down, was offered a ride and was later intoxicated and gang raped by six men. A 16-year-old girl in Sargodha had been repeatedly raped by her landlord for a period of six months and a 17-year-old girl was raped by her stepfather in Gujranwala.
While scavenging through these cases, one of the things that greatly perturbed me was how in almost all of them, none of the perpetrators were arrested or brought into custody. This indicates how little is done to seriously look resolve these cases. Prominent government figures take ‘extreme notice’ of these incidents, and that about sums up all they really do; pertinent in the fact that most of these cases are left open without any justice being served. Nothing is really done, and Pakistan has become, or perhaps always has been, an extremely unsafe place for women. Our Prime Minister has suggested the castration and hanging of rapists once the accused have been proven guilty. Whether this will be implemented or not, and if it will prove to be effective or not is something only time will tell. This might indeed have adverse consequences, as some are of the opinion that the rapists will likely not leave their victims alive in order to prevent being convicted. The absence of the victim’s testimony will result in the preparator’s going free. Perhaps the best approach is to educate people, especially boys, on consent.
With these problems in mind, one must take into consideration how much power Islamic figures have within our country. It is worth mentioning how these prominent religious figures, be them Maulvis, Mullahs or anyone of the sort, have a considerable amount of influence on much of our population. I strongly believe that if they take the initiative of educating the public on violence against women, we will observe some positive change in society. Instances such as the likes of Maulana Tariq Jameel blaming co-education as a source of promoting obscenity while addressing the motorway incident might not have been ill-intentioned, but the focus should have been on the crime that was committed and what can be done to prevent such an atrocity from repeating itself. Placing blame on an already barely existing, co-education system without proof of any correlation deemed these comments to be off handed and undesirable, sparking controversy amongst the public.
A movement of change is desperately needed. Protests do occur, with people taking to the streets and posting about such cases on their social media accounts to create awareness. The Me-Too movement is gaining some momentum in Pakistan, and the Aurat March takes place every year as well. However, the problem has much deeper roots. The mentality of much of our people, which automatically inclines them towards blaming the victim needs to change. People thinking it is perfectly acceptable to engage in activities with others without their explicit consent needs to change. One gender being seen as weaker, submissive and inferior to the other needs to change. Rapists thinking that their hormones are to blame, and that sexually objectifying women is natural needs to change.
Whether it is pornography or entertainment involving the degradation of women, it needs to be very carefully assessed. Our precious country has become a place where women constantly feel unsafe, even within the vicinity of their own homes. Such a nation, where a significant proportion of its population have live in fear or discomfort, is no nation to be proud of, nor one which should be acceptable to its people.
We are often reminded in our endearing history books that the glorious Taj Mahal was built by 20,000 workers who worked day and night for 20 years. The story concludes in a blood-curdling manner; the Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan orders the men to have their hands chopped down in hopes that the Taj Mahal remains the only such majestic enterprise. The validity of the story is flimsy, however, the idea is quite straightforward; there is a human cost for what we create, what we use, and what we revere. One can see this human cost when it comes to landmarks, but how does one reconcile when a similar idea is presented in constructing a state? The standard response is an ode to the fallen heroes, men (because women are more often than not erased from such narratives) that sacrificed their lives so that we could have a better tomorrow. The same heroes are then remembered when something goes awry; did the martyrs of our nation fight for autonomy so that you could create a rather half-witted Tiktok? Whilst I of course do not deny the legacy of those that died on the frontline, there is something missing that renders the picture of history incomplete. And as you would see, it is more than just a blot in history; it continues to be the paradox that haunts those in power.
The United States was formed in 1776. The founding fathers Washington and Jefferson had apparently created the first nation built upon principles of freedom and liberty. In 1791, the 2nd Amendment even allowed citizens to bear arms, in the prediction that they may need to resist a future tyrannical regime. It was the alleged blueprint for a democratic nation, but alas the reality was a stark reminder of wishful thinking that many conservative commentators continue to evoke. In many states, around 1/5th of the population consisted of slaves, shipped mostly from Western Africa, against their will of course. Whilst more than 20% of them died aboard the disease infested ships, the remainder didn’t have much of a life anyway. Forced to work on cotton plantations, the men served as the actual backbone into building the US economy that relied on cotton as a major export. The women were separated from their men, and often worked as domestic workers, with reports of rampant sexual and mental abuse. Indeed, as Jefferson talked about the liberties of man and even about the oppression of blacks, he is reported to have freed only 7 out of more than 200 slaves he had power over. It is undeniable that these people were brought against their will to a foreign land, with most never returning to their homes. They were systematically abused as people and were coerced into developing the economy and subsequently the American nation. Most people acknowledge these wrongs, but that is precisely the problem. By accepting it is wrong in the past, it remains just that. Something that warrants disgust and anger when reading about it or watching a documentary, but then thanking God that we passed through that. Except many would argue that we didn’t.
There are ways that the enduring legacy of the slave-trade is beyond just the legislature or even the cultural discourse of the times. As slavery was outlawed after the Civil War, racist oppression took a new form. Organized groups like the KKK lynched black people without remorse and even after this practice faded away there was no respite. The Jim Crow statutes continued to deny black people the space to sit, travel, or even to think. But that was the 1950s and 1960s. More than half a century has passed, and the fact that a black jogger can be killed in broad daylight, and his killers prosecuted only after a leaked recording and subsequent public outcry, means that the racism is alive and well. Even as the George Floyd protests rage on, observation is often posited by many people including ourselves; “America seems more obsessed with race than most countries”. Many conservative commentators would follow a similar line of thought. If anything, I think it is the perfect answer. Only, the obsession here is not only warranted but also a means for any change to a broken system. It is this obsession that drives folk to drown the statue of Edward Colston in England, symbolically drowning the symbolic endearment of the slave-trade. It is an obsession that drives John Boyega, a Hollywood actor to vilify the legacy of white supremacy, risking his career in the process. And it is surely obsession that drives the George Floyd protestors to press on, as they are drowned in tear gas, labeled as thugs and looters, and are at risk of contracting the coronavirus. It is this obsession that will surely continue until Confederate statues stand tall whilst the slaves remain mere clandestine figures of history, until the police choke, maim and murder black people until the specter of discrimination reigns supreme. However, the United States is no exception to this. Every nation has this specter, and as it is chained and hidden, fear the day it breaks free and seeks revenge. As an African proverb resonates strongly,” The axe forgets but the tree remembers”. This tree has taken many forms of the oppressed. The Kashmiris of the Subcontinent, the Kurds in the Middle East, the indigenous people of the Americas; the list, unfortunately, has no end. And these trees remember what happened to them, and what continues to happen to them as they are chopped down. As black people around the world protest to claim their rightful place in the past, present, and future, the oppressed of the world watch them. The question of them asking for their legacy is not a question of if but when.
While we plummeted headfirst into this global nightmare, our Student Council members were busy making sure we’d have a cushioned landing at the end of it.
General Secretary Abdullah Haroon describes how their prime goal was to help students feel “at home”; since students can’t go to LUMS, LUMS had to be brought to the students.
For many amongst us, the first couple of weeks spent in lockdown were full of anxiety-ridden thoughts of the future. These were compounded by the inescapable realization that everything would have to change.
Haroon says, “We had to keep people feeling like they were part of the community – and that’s where our online activities program came in. I was happy to see that many societies took up the initiative on their own.”
Aside from pitching activities such as Esports, Book club, and fitness classes, the Student Council also took it upon themselves to register LUMS on Coursera so students could gain access to thousands of free courses. This is not only a great way to keep busy but also an all-inclusive platform where you can pick up new skills. Needless to say, this is one venture the student body absolutely loves
.
Moreover, in stabilizing the academic process, Haroon affirmed that the council remained committed to play as representative a role as possible from the get-go. “We’ve been trying to ensure this semester and the upcoming summer semesters are done in the right way – that the learning process is a productive one. To that end, we remain proactive on LDF; all concerns are communicated directly to the VC or Provost.”
Haroon states it has been this way from the start, what with emergency meetings with the Vice Chancellor and the faculty as well as stringent cross-questioning of proposed policies. He says, “During these meetings, we had one goal – take the students’ side.” What’s more, he was happy to note that the administration was fully receptive to the council’s suggestions.
When asked how the council was coping in such a high-stress environment, Haroon admitted it had not been smooth sailing all the way. “We’re worried just like everybody else but then we have this huge responsibility to fulfill. It’s been difficult adjusting and making sure everyone’s voices are heard. But a lot of our council members are doing amazing work on the field also. We tell them you focus on this work; it’s tremendously important.”
With a complete lockdown and global pandemonium, there’s no possible way to feel the way we did before. All that can be done is find a new ‘normal’. Haroon also ruminated on this, remembering especially how so much had been planned for the seniors’ send-off:
“Seniors are very sad they didn’t get the send-off they wanted. Juniors too. We had so many plans. But we’re getting along; we call each other, we have Zoom and group chats. There are always issues to be dealt with. It’s been tough adjusting to the new dynamic but we’re doing okay.”
Everyone is doing their part – our Student Council more than most. At this point, it’s important to mute thoughts of the future and zoom (no pun intended) full speed ahead to whatever awaits.
MBM does not actually stand for the above-mentioned phrase yet it is difficult to ignore how fitting it is. What does MBM stand for at LUMS? Well, apart from the abbreviation, zero job security, deplorable working conditions, and insufficient pay. Being in my second year as a hostelite at LUMS, I am no stranger to these workers showing up to my door in desperate need of financial help, whether it is for medical treatment of a loved one, or to pay for one’s daughter’s wedding. Recognizing my privilege and position in society, I cannot complain about this situation. However, it pains me to see the embarrassment that befalls these workers when they ask for this monetary assistance, as they are exceptionally hard-working individuals who fail to make a decent living solely because of the exploitative relationship between employer and contractor that they fall between.
The aforementioned relationship between LUMS and MBM is such that MBM trains and pays workers who provide janitorial services in the university. LUMS pays around 23,000 rupees to MBM per worker for around 150 workers. Out of this amount only 17,500 is paid as salary to the workers and the rest is supposedly kept for social security and other fringe benefits. An unspecified amount is kept as commission for the company. So the question that arises from this discussion is why does such an arrangement exist. LUMS can just as easily directly hire 150 workers. A number of labor rights lawyers have spoken out and said it is a mechanism for large entities such as LUMS to outsource having to worry about workers asking for their rights.
The opposing view became evident in an interview with Col. Amer Khan. He stated that the LUMS administration pays the extra amount to MBM in return for toiletry equipment and other miscellaneous items. Moreover, he pointed out that the need for MBM as a facilitator only arises due to the unreliability of janitorial staff. He said that since MBM commands the services of 1800-2000 staff, they can easily replace workers who fail to arrive at work.
In the afternoon of the 20th of April, last Spring, outside PDC where students enjoy their Thursday night “khoka raves”, a very prominent group of these workers gathered. They were in their MBM uniforms and they sat cross-legged in complete silence, refusing to work. They had not received the promised advanced payments for Easter. Most of these workers are Christians who were eager to celebrate the festival. The sit-in continued for hours until a large number of faculty and students arrived on the scene and the matter was taken to the administration. The protestors were hopeful of a positive response but wrongly so. The administration claimed it could do nothing as it was not a direct employer of the staff as if this was an unforeseen circumstance and not a premeditated plan. Anyhow the protest raged on hand in hand with the student body’s enthusiasm for the cause. MBM had no alternative but to succumb to the pressure that their workers had created and release the advanced payments that they were promised. However, this was not without its consequences. The next day 35 workers were removed from LUMS by MBM on unclear charges, according to an article by Abdullah Niazi posted on Profit. However, Col. Amer Khan, when asked about this, did not have any comments.
Regardless of what follows in this saga of exploitation and protests, one thing is clear; the attitude of the administration towards the workers has to change. A legal take on this very idea would emerge from the precedence set by the Fauji Fertilizer case. Here, the law very clearly laid down that any company such as LUMS getting labor from contractors such as MBM is still responsible for their workers if their service is necessary to the industry. This includes both the well being of the workers and to make sure that MBM fulfills all contractual obligations towards these workers. An Ownership week was carried out very recently to associate values of home with the university. LUMS is nothing without the people who make it functional and the janitorial staff is as critical to this institution as any other segment.
Having watched Blue Valentine to the point of being religiously obsessed with the movie: I found the idea grew upon me. For anyone who was able to decipher the embedded meaning accurately, it was reasonable to become highly skeptical with the idea of love. While Blue Valentine is less a warning against love itself, the film perfectly depicts how misguided and unstable (most) relationships are often not meant to last for long. The over-romanticization of relationships devastatingly result in high expectations that at times never seem to be fulfilled consequently making either (or both) of the partner fall out of love (or the “state of infatuation”).
Blue Valentine is like a tear that will hinge inside my heart forever for its raw, emotional and much heartfelt message. That aside, the movie also did substantially well in manifesting my interest in writing about a topic that seems to have never been highlighted before: a critique of most university-relationships.
To remain cynical at the very least and in my own humble observation, university relationships follow a nebulous pattern of toxic emotional dependence blended with other forms of manipulation techniques that yet again challenge the very notion of “real love.” In a more unfortunate scheme of things, while some commitments do end up for the wellbeing of both partners, others continue for their lack of realization.
Before we ponder on the discussion above any further, it becomes necessary to have a brief overview of the types of straight relationships that are prevalent in LUMS (or any institution for that matter). Most usually begin towards the start of the first semester when perhaps the need for emotional validation and attention peaks. While craving psychological comfort under the arms of another person is a natural and a reasonable feeling to have, the question that subsequently arises is whether the relationship is a means to that end?
To put that into perspective, a relationship that is perceived as a long-term commitment, characterized by a reciprocation of emotions demands a lot of paperwork be done. When commitment becomes an impulsive decision, more often than not, that results in guilt piling up for the later part of the relationship. Guilt not just for being with the wrong person (although that is the core reason) but for sacrificing a whole range of things including friendships, academics and above all mental health.
Relationships at LUMS begin with an unhealthy (toxic) dependence on the other partner where usually the female bears the brunt of male emotional manipulation. Whether it is about the guy failing a quiz or his inability to get over his ex, the girl, unfortunately, ends up as the emotional laborer girlfriend. The relationship then progresses to the point where the man feels entitled to his ‘dependence’. And anything falling short of his expectation usually comes at the cost of psychological toll for the girl (in the form of ghosting etc). Any attempt that is thereby made to call-out the prevalent toxicity is sidelined because the girl is manipulated to accept that she does in fact have the “perfect-irreplaceable” guy.
Take a step further from the first type and let us not forget that there are also relationships existing at LUMS based upon “male social excellence.” Yes, my reference is towards the AC and JT group who somehow falsely equate the idea of ownership of a particular female with the trophy for social achievement because doing so earns them the needed validation from their BROS. In case you aren’t already aware, this trend is generally carried forward from high school where the infamous AC-JT rivalry manifests in various other problematic forms. This type usually ascribes the characteristics of its predecessor but will often end after the sheer realization that there are far better goals to be achieved than the continuation of a meaningless enmity.
While I sit to pen down the types of relationships, I have observed over my time at LUMS; I realize I might be missing numerous other mainstream forms. Take the example of having a crush on someone that at times, fortunately, yields a positive outcome for the infatuated person. But that is beside the point because the initial task of writing this piece was to recognize the toxicity ingrained within most commitments.
Having said that, I take no pleasure in stating that in LUMS, chances for a new relationship to start immediately after a breakup remain substantial.
Long story short, jump out of one relationship and step onto another.
Understandably so, for the individual involved, the breakup did cause an unspeakable amount of pain that can now be viably alleviated by finding solace in some other person. This phenomenon remains controversial to say at the very least and has always been the center of conflicting opinions. While the proponents support any immediate measures to heal the wounds of the past relationship, opponents stick with their assertion of giving space to oneself post-breakup.
I tend to associate myself with the latter school of thought solely because it’s highly unfair for the other partner. When I started this article by arguing that a relationship requires emotional reciprocation, it is meant to work to-and-fro. With the trauma and flashbacks of previous relationship appearing (in)frequently during the current commitment, there are likely to be impediments towards a full investment. But unfortunately, this form of relationship has pervasively found itself within the LUMS confinement.
Yet, the issue of obstructed emotional investment isn’t just the full depiction of the broader problem in hand. The “new” relationship often becomes a way of garnering attention and aggravation of the ex-partner as a way of showing how swiftly the said person has moved on with someone “better.” This infuriating behavior then sparks an unnecessary war, where the person irked the most ends up losing the game. All at the expense of the non-realization by the new partners who are unable to comprehend why the “affection” intensifies at times and plummets moments after.
Conclusion?
There is no conclusion. The article might have given a small glimpse of how most relationships at LUMS appear, defined by a “tale of unrecognized toxicity.”
To stay clear upfront, I do not hold anything against relationships as such. With half of my extended family from LUMS marrying within the LUMS community, I perhaps even consider this piece to be very ironic. The main goal of writing this was to highlight how a number of couples at the university are not even considering the basic elements for a healthy commitment. Eliminate all the prevalent problems I mentioned in this article, and what you might have is a perfect relationship exemplified. A piece of advice will always be to account for the mental-wellbeing of your significant other as well as of yourself because that seeks no compromise at all.
A Hindu student should have ideally written this article. No one should have to silence themselves for fear of being attacked by zealots. No one should have to live in an atmosphere where they fear not only the zealots outside this campus but also their peers on it. No one should have to beg people to listen to the plight of their community. The state exists to protect and it has failed the Hindu community of Pakistan as we have failed our Hindu peers on campus.
On September 14, 2019, a first information report was lodged under Article 295(c) against the principal of the Sindh Public School Mr. Nautan Daas on the complaint of Mr. Abdul Aziz Rajput, who happens to be the father of the student who alleged that his principal had committed blasphemy in videos that went viral online before Facebook graciously decided to take them down. The following day, a mob of “true” Muslims took upon themselves the responsibilities of judge, jury and executioner. The protesters took to the streets to demand the arrest of the “blasphemer” and called for a shutter-down strike. That those responsible for defaming Islam were held accountable was absolutely certain of as the protesters proceeded to vandalize a Hindu temple and the school. Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) MNA Mr. Ramesh Kumar Vankwani, also the head of the Pakistan Hindu Council, alleged that the protesters ended up doing much more damage. According to his count, the protesters vandalized three Hindu temples, a private school and houses belonging to members of the Hindu community.
Jahannum ki aag feat. True Muslims at Ghotki
As often happens in these cases, Muslims from neighbouring areas soon found their conscience as well. Surrounding towns like Mirpur Mathelo and Adilpur also saw demonstrations demanding the arrest of Mr. Nautan Daas, who as of this moment is “safe” in police custody. The police have, their credit, attempted to do their job. While they failed to protect citizens of the state from being attacked for no other reason than belonging to a specific creed, they have registered three cases against the rioters. The first FIR was filed under Sections 295 (injuring or defiling place of worship, with intent to insult the religion of any class), 147 (punishment for rioting) and 149 (every member of unlawful assembly guilty of offence committed in prosecution of common object). 45 people were nominated in the FIR, out of which 22 people were named while 23 were listed as unidentified.
Another case was lodged against 150 people, 27 named and 123 unidentified, for blocking roads. Lastly, the third FIR pertaining to rioting and theft was filed against 23 people, including 11 unidentified persons, over allegations that protesters had stolen goods from multiple shops in the Shahi Bazar. In the meanwhile, Prime Minister Imran Khan used his investigative expertise to locate the real conspiracy at the heart of this affair: was intentionally done to sabotage his upcoming address to the United Nations General Assembly.
Earlier this month, Ms. Nimirta Amarta Maher Chandani, a final year BDS student at Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto Medical University, was found dead in her hostel room. The cause of death was initially presumed to be suicide. The findings of an initial autopsy report were inconclusive and members of Nimrita’s family alleged that something far more sinister was at play. Her brother, Dr. Vishal claimed that there were cable marks on Nimrita’s neck and hands, marks that could not be made by the “dupatta” allegedly used by her to commit suicide. Furthermore, he said that he had talked to her fairly recently and everything was as normal as could be. She did not express any signs of distress according to her brother. Civil society and the Hindu community in particular were quick to take to the streets. Protests were organised at Teen Talwar (Karachi), Chandka Medical College (Larkana) and Tando Jam Agriculture University. Many demands were made of the powers that be, the most important of which was recently accepted: a judicial inquiry into the incident. The provincial government had initially requested the session court for a judicial inquiry. The session judge then went on to ask the Sindh High Court for permission to grant the government’s request, which was granted on Wednesday.
Ms. Nimirta Amarta Maher Chandani
These incidents are not one offs, as not too long ago this year, two minor Hindu girls were forcefully and converted. It would be bizarre to assume that these incidents are rare occurrences. However, one would not be at fault for not knowing the specifics of the oppression that the Hindu community has historically faced and continues to, to this day. According to the US based Sindhi Organisation, 1000 Sindhi Hindu girls between the ages of 12 to 28 are forcefully converted to Islam every year. 40 to 60 Sindhi Hindus undergo forceful conversion every month. The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) reported that 7,430 girls were abducted and forcefully converted between January 2004 and May 2018. These figures do not account for all the cases that go unreported because of threats of violence and law enforcement issues.
There is a pattern that keeps repeating itself here. The victims tend to be triply underprivileged in the sense that they are Hindu girls and women who often belong to low income families. In most cases the victim is abducted and is then subjugated to sustained emotional and physical abuse often involving threats of violence towards their loved ones. The issue is symptomatic of multi-layered state failure. The state has in the past failed to socio-economically uplift the Hindu community and has kept them from acquiring power that would enable members to protect themselves. Political parties have voiced support for bills seeking to protect members of minority communities but have not been able to pass any concrete legislation on the matter. MNA Dr. Ramesh Kumar Vankwani from the ruling Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) submitted the Child Marriage Restraint Act (Amendment) Bill 2019 and the Criminal Law (Protection of Minorities) Act 2019 in the National Assembly in the wake of an alleged kidnapping of two Hindu girls and their forced conversion to Islam, earlier this year. Both the bills were accompanied by a 5 point resolution which specifically called for the immediate passage of the bill against forced conversions, which had been unanimously passed by the Sindh Assembly in 2016 and then reverted due to pressure of extremist elements, from all the legislatures. Political parties must prioritise the safety of vulnerable communities over the loss of potential voters and fears of backlash from the religious right. Furthermore, law enforcement has failed to protect minority communities and courts have failed to dispense justice for victims. Religious institutions have also allowed girls and women to be converted with relative ease. Lastly, media organisations have failed to hold law-making, law-enforcing, judicial and religious institutions to account for their respective failures.
HRCP reports that the police often turn a blind eye to reports of abduction and forced conversions and thereby create an atmosphere of impunity for perpetrators. The police often either refuse to record a First Information Report or falsify information. FIRs are necessary for taking cases forward and in the absence of those, most cases don’t even get registered. False information makes cases weak and allows perpetrators to win cases even when they get registered. The police forces, which are overwhelming Muslim, generally sympathise with the goal of converting religious minorities and therefore actively assist perpetrators. On the rare occasions when police do want to investigate and perform their duties, powerful local leaders exert considerable pressure to prevent any action.
The courts have failed to follow proper procedure as well. As often happens in cases involving religious elements, the judiciary are often subject to fear of violence from extremist elements. Even when this pressure from extremists does not exist, the judges’ personal religious beliefs, ties to the local community and deeply entrenched patriarchal socio-cultural norms influence them into easily accepting claims made by the man that the victim involved converted and married of her own free will. Often there is no investigation and a conversion certificate is accepted as being sufficient evidence of consensual conversion. This obviously ignores the fact that most of the girls involved are under the age of consent and even when they aren’t, are subject to threats that render their consent inapplicable. Worse still, the victim is largely left in the custody of her kidnapper throughout the trial process (as happened in a case involving Mian Mithoo) where she is subject to further threats to force her into denying her abduction and rape and claiming that the conversion was .
One must understand more processes of the legitimation of this barbarity that are at play. For one, none of this can happen, without the existence of a culture that legitimises and celebrates forced conversions. Religious organisations happen to be responsible for that. Religious institutions like local mosques and seminaries, routinely fail to investigate the nature of the conversion or question the age of the bride. Even when they demand proof of age, they are satisfied by a simple affidavit from any member of the locality. These institutions mostly accept the word of the kidnapper and produce a conversion certificate. This is subsequently used by police and the courts to excuse violations or to grant bail. The documentary “Thrust into Heaven” names Sharif Abdul Haq (Mian Mithoo) of Ghotki and Pir Sarhandi of Umerkot as two of the most powerful clerics who facilitate these conversions.
Mian Mithoo was involved in the high-profile Rinkle Kumari conversion case in 2012. His “wife” and her family alleged forceful conversion and marriage, especially given the fact that her birth certificate showed she was 16 at the time of marriage. Even after Rinkle begged the Ghotki court to let her go back to her parents, her “husband” was allowed to take her home. Rinkle then went on to repeat her request in the Sindh High Court and the court graciously allowed her to live in a shelter home. After threatening staff at the shelter home, Mithoo’s son who I’ll call Mithoo Jr. (Mini Mithoo was almost used here), met Rinkle. What happened in that conversation doesn’t require Picasso-esque imagination. After this, the Pakistan People’s Party decided it was finally time to let Mithoo go and he was expelled from the party. He had won the previous election in 2008 with 59,000 votes. He lost the 2013 edition by gaining a grand total of 69.
Apt innuendo there if you ask me. If only he had spent time campaigning as opposed to converting young children. But, Pakistan is the land of the pure as we all know. So, in 2015, the purest of them all asked Mithoo to join the project of Naya Pakistan. Fortunately, even the PTI has standards and the public outcry at his possible inclusion into the party forced the leadership to drop him. Don’t be happy yet though – he is still an influential religious figure and has immense political power. Unsurprisingly, he was involved in the Ghotki riots mentioned at the start of this article.
Prime Minister Imran Khan thinking about Riyasat-e-Madinah with Mian Mithoo in 2015
The buck doesn’t stop with Mithoo though. The Bharchundi Sharif Shrine is renowned for converting Hindu girls. The Muslim cleric who leads it, Mian Abdul Malik, stated, “there’s no such thing as forced conversions in Islam and in Pakistan.” Similary, Pir Waliullah Sarhandi, leader of the Sarhandi shrine in the Umerkot district claimed to have converted thousands of Hindu girls and has claimed that, “When a girl is brought before a qazi for conversion to Islam, the qazi must comply immediately. If he delays the conversion even to say his prayers, he himself becomes kafir.” Some organisations, like the Minhaj-ul-Quran, actively encourage the practice of converting members of minority communities by offering rewards for successful conversions. They say that it is the equivalent of Haj-e-Akbari, or the greatest religious duty to Muslims.
The Pakistani media contributes to discourse that encourages the conversion of religious minorities by celebrating conversions without investigating the circumstances. Television programmes, especially Ramadan shows hail converts to Islam by interviewing them and inviting them. Sometimes conversions are televised in religious programmes. While I sympathise with the media industry given the vast amounts of freedom it has historically enjoyed in Pakistan, it has been criminally silent on the issue of forced conversions. English-language newspapers reported only 286 cases of forced conversions between January 2012 and June 2017. Bear in mind the fact that approximately a thousand such cases happen every year. Cases often involve influential religious and local leaders who pressure media organisations to not report cases. Reporters do not investigate forced conversions due to fears of violence being committed against them and their families. A little birdy once told me however, that one of the most important jobs of the media was to hold powerful people to account and inform voters about social and political issues.
It is unfair however to only focus on external media when we have media societies that operate within LUMS itself, especially because the societies and individuals are not as vulnerable to threats of violence as other media organisations and reporters. Search the word “Hindu” on the PLUMS website and you will find six articles. The articles are about the similarities between Pakistan and India, the importance of Jibran Nasir’s electoral campaign, Shia persecution in Pakistan, Basant, Diwali and the Kashmir issue. None of these articles were written by a Hindu student and only one of them (Diwali) puts Hindus at the centre of the conversation. An article not included in this list mentions a request by a Hindu student for a religious room to show why the administration is wrong for removing prayer mats from the Academic Block. This is not to say that PLUMS is an evil organisation, but to point out that our privilege blinds us to the problems of those around us, to the point that sometimes we use their problems to highlight our own or even dare I say, feel good about ourselves. The first step in solving a problem, is recognising there is one and the fact that this can accept and publish criticisms of itself will hopefully help us take that first step. LUMS is a supposedly safe, liberal and diverse space. If we won’t raise these issues here, how can we expect people on the outside to? No Hindu peer has come up to me to request my aid in their attempt at revolution, all they have asked for is for us to inform our families and friends about an issue that nobody wants to report on. There is another print news society in LUMS that I will not mention because I have submitted my article to this paper, but if you’re really interested you can try finding something about this issue on their website as well.
We must do more than going to vigils for minority communities in small numbers. We must hold our political representatives to account for their negligence at best and active involvement at worst. We must push for legislative change and we must push for stringent law enforcement. But above all, we must hear members from minority communities. We must listen to them. And when there are no voices to be heard, we must ask ourselves why? We must seek out those voices instead of expecting those voices to come to us. And when we find these voices, we must give them platforms such that their voices are amplified. There are two demands by members of the Hindu community that I am aware of at the moment: inform yourselves and those around you about this issue and help us get our religious space. Let us fight for these. And to the student who helped me write this: God bless you brother, it takes immense courage and bravery to do what you have done and what you continue to do. Mr. Jibran Nasir spoke powerfully at the vigil, but I find fault in his claim that, “hamara rishta Pakistaniyat ka hai”. This gives too much power to those that get to define who is and is not Pakistani.
Hamara rishta Pakistaniyat ka nahin, insaniyat ka hai.
